Bhagat mahasabha celebrated Satguru kabir parkash utsav on 5 June 2020

Bhagat mahasabha celebrated Satguru kabir parkash utsav on 5 June 2020

मेघ क्या असुर थे?

भारत मे आदमी की उत्पत्ति नहीं हुई है। पहली बात तो यह समझ में आनी चाहिये और जाननी चाहिए।
  दूसरी बात यह समझ में आनी चाहिए कि भारत में मानव बस्तियां कब बसने लगी ।
  तीसरी यह समझ में आनी चाहिए कि वे लोग कौन थे औऱ कहाँ से व किधर से आये।
  चौथी चीज यह समझ में आनी चाहिए कि क़बीलों का भेद या प्रजातियों के भेद कैसे व किस आधार पर हुआ।
   पांचवी बात यह समझ में आनी चाहिए कि मूल निवासी किसे कहा जायेगा।
    छठी बात यह भी समझ में आनी चाहिए कि सिंध-सतलुज में सिर्फ मानव समूह आये ही नहीं बल्कि वहां से प्रव्रजन भी होता रहा अर्थात यहां से दूसरी जगह जाकर वहां भी बस्तियां बसाते रहे। उस हेतु प्रमाण है ।
    और भी कई बातें है जो ऐसे सवालों से पहले सुलझा लिए जाने चाहिए नहीं तो सब उल्टा फुलटा इसलिए नजर आएगा क्योंकि दिमागों में कुछ और है।
   वैसे ये मेगारी सिंधु क्षेत्र के सबसे प्राचीन सेटलर्स माने जाते है। ऋग्वैदिक काल से पहले के।
   आर्यों के भारत आने से पहले के। सिकंदर के समय तक्षशिला व अन्य जगहों पर इनका ही राज्य था। एरियन की इंडिका देखे।
      और यह तथ्य सुस्पष्ट हो चुका है कि मेघ लोग मेडिटेरियन है आर्यन नहीं।
  आर्य ईरान से आये और मेघ आर्यों से कई सहस्र वर्ष पहले सिंधु क्षेत्र में बस चुके थे, बस्तियां बसा चुके थे। सिंधु सभ्यता इन्ही लोगों की दाय है। आर्यों का मेघों से 500 वर्ष संघर्ष चला।
    दक्षिण के द्रविड़ों को समुन्द्र के रास्ता आना बताया जाता है और सिंध में मैदानी रास्ते से। यहां द्रविड़ों की दो शाखाएं हो जाती है। एक वह समूह, जिन्हें द्रविड़ ही कहा जाता रहा और दखिन में निवासित रहे। दूसरे, कोलारियन समूह में वर्गीकृत हुए। दूसरे ग्रुप में रक्त मिश्रण ज्यादा हुआ। और वे मंगोलियन रेस से मिश्रित होते रहे। अस्तु अधिकांशतः ताम्र वर्णीय कहे जाते रहे। उन में भी कई भेद किये गए। ----
    मेघ व कोलारियन ग्रुप से कई जातियां बनी। कई राजपूत भी मेघों में से ही बने।
      --
   मेघों का दूसरी शताब्दी के बाद कपड़े से जुड़ना परिकल्पित किया जा सकता है। वह भी कहीं कहीं पर। एथेंस के मेगारी उसी का प्रतिनिधित्व करते है।
    ईसा की 2 या तीसरी शताब्दी  में कपड़े का व्यवसाय बहुत उन्नति पर था। सिंध से कपड़ा निर्यात होता था, मेगारी बंदरगाह से कपड़ों का एक्सपोर्ट किया जाता था।उस हेतु मेघों  का  उस बंदरगाह पर कब्जा था और बाद में वहां मेघों की बस्ती और राज्य स्थापित हुआ।
    मेसोपोटामिया  से इनके रिश्ते थे।  यह सब उन में लिखित है।
     बाद में ईरानी और मेगारी लोगों के संघर्ष का इतिहास भी  उल्लेखित है। ----

मेघ क्या असुर थे?

Dr.Ambedkar and Megha of Punjab-R.L.Gotra

DR. AMBEDKAR & MEGHS OF PUNJAB: 

After his studies in India and abroad, Dr. BR Ambedkar had fully equipped himself to wage a war throughout his life against the exploitative, obsolete, and rotten social system to which even the foreign rulers like the Mughals, and Britishers had almost just remained silent spectators, because it suited their interests to rule socially divided India. Dr. Ambedkar was of definite opinion that the miserable fate of 'untouchables' and the tribal people was all the worst and unique result of basic and duly sanctified rules of Sanatan-Aryan religion that has no parallel in the world history. These rules were backed and politically enforced by duly 'empowered society' throughout the ages.

However, at that stage of history, Dr. Ambedkar was quite aware that the then political leaders in India may not allow him to raise various social issues. To begin with this task, in 1923, he set up the 'Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha' (Outcastes Welfare Association), for spreading education, culture, freedom of profession, etc. that used to be denied to the 'Dalits. He fought for 'Dalit's entry into religious places, drawing of drinking water from public wells/tanks, their right to education, for their representation into national and state level law making bodies, and governing institutions. He raised such issues and problems in official and unofficial forums to find solutions for the same. For exerting himself at the official level, he became member of the Governing Council of the Union Government.  

From the then undivided Punjab, Mr. Hans Raj Advocate (fully known as Bhagat Hans Raj), also joined this struggle and remained in touch with Dr. Ambedkar. Having been deeply influenced by Ambedkarism, Advocate Hans Raj revolted against Arya Samaj (which had borne the expenses of his education); because he no longer intended to remain slave to the philosophy of exploitation of 'Dalits' (Meghs) under the garb of religion. The background (including terminology 'Bhagat') under which he did so has been analyzed as under.

BACKGROUND OF MEGHS-BHAGATS & IMPACT OF AMBEDKARISM:

    Because of his active association with Dr. Ambedkar, and Mr. Mangu Ram Mugowalia of 'Ad-Dharam' movement, Advocate Hans Raj was naturally influenced by the historical facts. Historical literature reveals that the word ‘Bhagat’ came to be known differently in different states of undivided India. In the North-West Frontier and Dera Ismail Khan (both in Pakistan), the Bhagats were known as warriors (Kshatriyas). Some of them had gradually adopted the profession of traders (Vaishyas). Further, a few of them were also converted into Sikhism. In the Rawalpindi area (Pakistan), they were known as ‘Kasabis’ (artisan-weaver class). In Sialkot (Pakistan) and Jammu region, they were known as Meghs or Menghs. In Himachal Pradesh, they were a small agricultural clan. In Rajasthan, ‘Bhagat’ is a tribe, whose members were professionally expert in dancing. In Maharashtra, some of them came to be known as Brahmins. However, in Bihar, Bengal, Chhattisgarh, and MP, they are known as Bhaktas or Bhagats, and are included among the Other Backward Classes. Most of the Pre-Aryan Meghs, after having been defeated in war by the Aryans during the Vedic period, had settled in Rajasthan, Gujarat, parts of Maharashtra and are known as Meghwal (Hindi Meaning: Meghon Ka Samuh) or Meghowal, and Maheshwaris. 

In Rigveda, the term ‘Megh’ was used to denote ‘Daitya’ or ‘Asura’ or ‘Rakshas’. The word ‘Rakshas’ is actually derived from ‘Rakshak’, which means the ‘Defender’ or ‘Protector’. The original inhabitants of ‘Sapta-Sindhu’ region were the Pre-Aryan Meghs who were the great protectors of environment. They believed in complete harmony between man and the nature. They were against animal or human sacrifice at the time of ‘Yagya’ performed by the ancient Aryans. As mentioned in the Rig-Veda, the Meghs used to oppose such acts of ‘Yagya’ by the then Aryans, . During those times, the Meghs were also against the use of intoxicants or the taking of liquor. Among others, this was one of the major causes of a tiff between the Meghs and the ancient Aryans. As revealed by the research scholars, many of the Meghs were later on influenced by the principles of ‘Ahimsa’ preached by Gautama Buddha, and subsequently by the emperor Ashoka. 

    The Pre-Aryan people followed or supported the Megh Rishi, called as ‘Vritra’ in the Rig-Veda hymns. Vritra became the emperor of ‘Sapta Sindhu’, as the minor kings in that geographical region stretching from Kabul (Afghanistan) in the North to Narbada river in the South had accepted his suzerainty. From East to the West, this region extended mostly over the area commanded by seven rivers viz. the Sindh, Satluj, Beas, Ravi, Chenab, Jhelum, and Yamuna. Slowly and gradually, the Aryans belonging to the Black Sea area and the Central Asia migrated to the Sapta-Sindhu area in large numbers. On one pretext or the other, the Aryans querrled with the Pre-Aryans for some generations’ together. The major battles were fought between Vritra, and Indira (the Aryan war-hero, later on called as Indira Devta). Earlier, Indira was defeated twice by Vritra. Vritra and his soldiers, due to better numerical strength, used to surround the enemy like the clouds. Hence, Vritra was named by the Aryans as ‘Megh’. Due to his being the emperor, he was also called as ‘Pratham Megh’ by the Aryans. The people belonging to various tribes or communities under his rule came to be gradually and generally known as Meghs. 

Indira was successful in containing the Meghs in many areas. Thus ultimately, the Meghs were defeated in war; because of the reason that the Yadu Vanshis (Yadvas), as well as some other tribes who previously used to align themselves with the Meghs were won over by Indira to fight against the Meghs. He killed Vritra (Pratham Megh) and paved the way for an Aryan rule in the Sapta-Sindhu region. By analyzing the figures given in the Rig-Veda, we can roughly find out that during this long-drawn war between the Pre-Aryan Meghs and the Aryans for around 500 years (approximately from 2000 to 1500 BC) more than Eight Lac Meghs (including some others who associated with Vritras i.e. Meghs) were killed by the Aryans. This information of killings, at various times and places, find mention in Sayan's "Bhashya" on Rigveda (translated by Dr. Ganga Sahai Sharma, Phd. & Vyakaranacharya), as well as in "The History of Indigenous People of India" by Dr. Naval Viyogi, Director, Indian National Historical Reserch Council [National Award Winner in Research Work, 1986]. Sayan remained Minister under King Harihar of Vijaypur in the Fourteenth Century. Detailed information available at http://Sarvjan.blogspot.com . 

  As per the provisions of Manu Smriti, the Meghs were originally made Dasas. However, at some later stage, as a matter of giving them punishment, because of their following towards Budhism, they were treated as 'untouchables' (Antajyas). But, according to the same provisions, there is also the advice in Manu Smriti that Antajyas could be admitted into the Hindu fold if they deserved so by virtue their devotion (Bhagati) towards the Aryans. 

  In view of above provision in the Manu Smriti, Lala Ganga Ram had a prolonged dialogue with his Arya Samaji colleagues to admit the Meghs into 'Hindu' fold through the process of ‘Shuddhikaran’ by the Arya Samajis. Lala Ganga Ram, advised Meghs that henceforth, they should call themselves as 'Bhagats' and not as Meghs. It was on the similar lines as had been done by the Hindus in respect of the Medieval Saints like Kabir, who were also called as 'Bhagats' and not as ‘Rishis’ like that of the ancient Aryan sages or saints by the Hindu society. The terminology of ‘Bhagat’ has had mass acceptability, because of its association with the names of medieval-times Saints of India, whom the Meghs followed to satisfy their spiritual needs, particularly when they were not allowed to enter Hindu temples, because of deep hatred and consequent practice of 'Untouchability'. Secondly, to hide centuries old inferiority feelings borne out of sancified slavery, they felt elated and important by using this term. 

Though the modern common followers of Aryan ideology or 'Hindutva' may not agree; yet readings and analysis of old literature, and discussion with learned people reveals that the historians have repeatedly observed the ancient Aryans as ‘barbarians’, who were less civilized than Pre-Aryans like the Meghs. By analysing the ‘Manav Dharma Shastra’, popularly known as ‘Manu-Smriti’ (created by the Aryans and mythically considered as God Given), one is safely prompted to conclude that the word ‘Bhagat’ had been satirically used to describe those people who were defeated in the war-field and who had ultimately, as a consequence of that war, fled away to different places, or otherwise, were used as slaves by the Aryans. It shows the cruelty and haughty-headedness of the ancient Aryans. By reading the Third Section of ‘Manu Smriti, it can be clearly observed that 'Manu Smriti' socially and politically compelled ‘Dasas’ (slaves), or ‘Dasyu’ or ‘Asura’ or ‘Shudra’ (now generally called as SC/ST/OBC) to become ‘Bhagat’ that during the Hindu rule, was interpreted in the sense of a sanctified slave, whose plight was even worse than a slave in other countries on this planet. The unbearable plight of these people, interpreted as 'Bhagats'  was a unique example of human cleverness in the world, as their duty was ‘pre-determined’ by 'God', because of 'Karma & Re-incarnation of Soul' theories. They were to remain devoted (enslaved) to the service of high-castes, and particularly to serve the Brahmins. As the law (Code of Manu) was said to have been revealed or willed by the Almighty God, who could have dared to revolt against it? The concept of re-incarnation of souls was a part of the chain of techniques used by Aryans to economically exploit the Pre-Aryan settlers in India. From ‘predetermined duties’ of a ‘Shudra’ (Manu-Smriti: X-122 & 123; IX-334; VIII-414), it was made clear that ‘Shudra’ must be ‘Bhagat’ (servant/devotee) of the Brahmin or other high castes, without any complaint at all, and serve them to attain a seat in the heavens or for prosperity in both worlds (this planet  and heaven). In part-VIII-273 & IX-224 of Manu-Smriti, punishments including death have been prescribed for violating the law. Thus, the meanings of a brutalized ‘Bhagat’ of  medeival period and today’s meanings of ‘Bhagat’ or 'Bhakta' are different. A true Bhakt’s ‘Bhakti’, in fact, may be called as the act of reaching the reality of righteousness through the use of rationality and not through blind-faith. Under this background, it appears that the medieval period ‘Dalit’ Saints like Saint Kabir (a weaver whose ancestors converted to Islam because of Hindu oppression)  were also called as ‘Bhagats’. 

It may not be out of place to mention here that Dr. Ambedkar's ancesters and Ambedkar himself also believed in Kabir's spiritual philosophy of rationalism that preached, like Buddha, that one should be his own 'light' ('Apna Deepak Aap Bano'). Dr. Ambedkar had rejected Brahmanized Budhism, because of interpolation of 'Karma Theory' into it, and expressed rationalized version of it. 

By the Twentieth century, many centuries long impact of caste, region and discriminatory Aryan culture had created many divisions among Meghs. Consequently, to the census operation staff, in addition to the term ‘Megh’, they used to speak differently stating themselves to be Arya Bhagats, Kabir-Panthies, Weavers, Bunkars, Meghbansis, Meghowals, Meghwals, Maheshwaries, etc. Under such a mind-set, they have also been categorised as OBCs in states like Rajasthan, MP, Gujarat, etc. Consequently, their identity got blurred resulting into incorrect figures. Here are some of these effects-

(1)   Fear of unequal social status.

(2)   Inferiority feelings inherited out of old oppression.

(3)   Mental slavery duly imbibed and accepted by them through the 

    Aryanisation or Hinduisation process.

(4)    The lack of revolt against this Aryanisation process, because of the

    ignorance that they have been victimized through this process.

(5)    Belief in the concept of fate, as imprinted on their minds by the Aryan

    mythical theory of 'Karma' and ‘rebirth’.

Dr. Naval Viyogi has mentioned that the blood group analysis (survey) by historians reveals that Meghs belong to the artisan castes of North and North-Western earstwhile India. Though, blood groups are mixed up by now in India, and nothing can be proved with high precision, yet these classes reportedly possess a high frequency of Blood Group ‘B’, as compared to the high frequency of Blood Group ‘A’ among the Aryans. It may be added that a DNA analysis, if conducted, may also point towards similar results.

BACKGROUND OF POLITICAL REPRESNTATION: 

Dr. Ambedkar laid the foundation of empoverment of 'Dalits' by signing the 'Poona Pact'. Through his advices and suggestions in governing council of the 'Union Government', it was also possible to implement the 'reservation system' derived from the Poona Pact. He worked for preparing of shedules (lists) of socially and economically deprived castes, tribes and communities. For this purpose, Dr. Ambedkar was made the member of Indian Franchise Committee that formed the State Franchise Committees for each state to decide about the quantum of  separate political representation of 'Dalits' in the legislative bodies based upon the extent of SC/ST population in each state. 

In the ten member Punjab State Franchise Committee consisting of Hindu, Muslim, 'Dalit', and Sikh representatives, Advocate Hans Raj and K.B. Deen Mohammad were appointed as members to represent and look after the interests of 'Dalits' of Punjab. Among the Hindus, Chhotu Ram and Pt. Nanak Chand (Sanatani Arya Samajists) were also the members. Nine members of the Committee (including Hindus and a Sikh) reported that in the then undivided Punjab, it was immpossible to say that there were any 'Dalits' or SC/ST communities whose civil rights were violated because of their respective religions. However, they added that there were some classes in the villages whose economic and social situation was definitely miserable.  They also reported that though there were no 'Dalits' among the Muslims, yet there were 'Dalits' among Hindus and Sikhs and their total population at time was 1,30,709. 

Thus the Committee of Punjab in its majority opinion flatly denied the existence of any 'Dalit' or 'Untouchable' in Punjab. Actually, the term 'Dalit' was used for the 'Untouchables' (Aachhoot), so as not to hurt anybody's feelings. However, Advocate Hans Raj in his separate (dissenting) report mentioned that the list of 'Dalit' communities was incomplete, because many communities (including Meghs) were left out. More or less, similar reports were received from other states of India, because of the dishonesty demonstrated by the high caste members.

Those Hindus who never disputed the existence of population of 'Untouchables' upto 1932 started denying their existence. Because, they imagined that the quantum of Hindu seats might get reduced by relinquishing a share of it in favour of 'Dalits' in proportion to their population. In view of it, they (including Arya Samajis) started propagating among 'Dalits' that in view of government's efforts to prepare the list of 'Untouchables', if any of the communities among them gets registered in that list, it may result into permanent stigma for them to be called as such 'Untouchables'. This propaganda was particularly carried on through the Megh Arya Samajist priests throughout Punjab. A good majority of these priests included the Megh Purohits who were got educated upto primary or elementary level in the Arya Schools by Lala Ganga Ram.

Advocate Hans Raj was already much pained due to exploitation of Megh farm labourers by a Trust formed under the name of 'Megh Uddhar Sabha' at Arya Nagar; whereat, the Trust had got land on lease from the government and Meghs were working there as share croppers with inadequate share as remuneration. Under all such dishonest dramas, Advocate Hans Raj revolted against the Arya Samaj, and won a court case against the said Trust led by Lala Ganga Ram, who is rather pompuously described by many as great social reformer for Meghs of Punjab. As a result of favourable verdict in this case, the share cropper Meghs became land owners, because Advocate Hans Raj had wisely represented their case before the court.

    SITUATION AFTER INDEPENDENCE:

The Arya Samaj and other such social movements failed to produce concrete results, to the desired extent, in reforming the Hindu Society. Therefore, their overall hold among the Meghs and other 'Dalit' communities  has declined gradually in the Northern India including Punjab, and Jammu-Kashmir. It is because of the imperceptible influence of the ‘New State Dharma’ of secularism under the Constitution of India and the free play of various cultures resulting into gradual development of modern civilized thinking that religion or spirituality were personal matters. Therefore, such personal things need not come into way of the individual liberty. 

Under such changing situation, it is discernible that the conditions of social acceptability in India in the long run, are generally difficult to be achieved, if not altogether unattainable. It has shown that in the absence of real worthies, the Hindu Society creates fictitious institutions or personalities and make the ignorant people to accept them. In these situations, the people love institutions for being something, which it is not. In addition, every institution to attain social acceptance feigns to be something, which obviously, it is not. Pretence and hypocrisy are the inevitable consequences of such a situation in the present day India.

Therefore, in matters like religion, many people including the Dalits have recently been changing their preferences to satisfy their personal spiritual needs. Barring some exceptions, in general, they are now becoming comparatively more tolerant in their attitude towards the religious sects followed by others. Consequently, the Meghs have also switched over to exercising their preferences in favour of sects like ‘Kabir-Panth’ containing the rational teachings of Saint Kabir, or the ‘Radha Swami Satsang’, or the ‘Nirankari Movement’, or other minor sects, all of whom do not stand for caste-based discrimination, and preach for belief in truth, peace, non-violence, communal harmony, tolerance, fellow-feeling, mutual goodwill, respect, understanding and co-existence for the betterment of humanity.

    Of course, some old generation Meghs also worship traditional Hindu Gods and Goddesses about whom there have been different mythical stories about their lives. But the modern educated generation does not believe in different irrational and mythical stories about the 'Vaishno Devi' or Goddess Durga recorded in the 'Vamana Purana' and elaborated in 'Devi Bhagvata Purana'. It is because a rational study of the same does not induce the well educated young generation to believe in them.

The intelligent educated Meghs in the Northern India have their own reasons for wanting to join all such movements. It provides religious solution for persons who feet that their problems have indeed been religious. It has separated them from traditional Hinduism and put them in a society ostensibly without caste, giving them new friends and somewhat altered social status with a new dignity and self-respect that is more important than material gain.

The failure of institutions of social and religious reformation in ensuring the human cause is in effect the success of the psycho-social obsessions of the aggregate Hindu community, which prefers to call itself rather pompously a Civil Society. In view of it, all these institutions failed to press for an early amendment to Untouchability Offences Act, 1955 for inclusion of more stringent measures resting in the passing of Protection of the Civil Rights Act, and subsequently in passing of the SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 by the Parliament. It is a pity that the enactment of such legislation took 42 years after Independence and reformist Hindu organizations or other religious sects remained silent in-spite of their avowed objective for the removal of 'Untouchability', and for creation of social equality.

    Dr. Ambedkar was well aware that to reform Hindu Society, a great deal was yet to be done. However, to achieve that objective, the 'Dalits' need to carefully follow his advice in promoting awakening through education, unitedly rejecting the obsolete social principles by coordinating their efforts and ultimately by organizing themselves to safeguard their interests

Dr.Ambedkar and Megha of Punjab-R.L.Gotra

मेघ ओर नाग जनजाति-तारा राम। गौतम सोर्स

मेघ और नाग जनजाति:

"प्राचीन भारत के शासक नाग: उनकी उत्पत्ति और इतिहास" नामक एक जातीय विश्लेषणात्मक शोध प्रबंध में डॉक्टर नवल  वियोगी, जो कि निदेशक रहे हैं भारतीय राष्ट्रीय  ऐतिहासिक अनुसंधान समिति के, ने  इस पुस्तक की भूमिका में 'मेघ'जाति का जिक्र किया है और नागों की उत्पत्ति का जिक्र करते हुए उन्होंने पुस्तक के पृष्ठ संख्या 7 पर यह लिखा है के "यह बात मुख्यतः ध्यान में रखने की है कि तक्षक या टाक जनजाति ने आदिवासी खून से संबंधित अनेक जातियों को जन्म दिया है, जिनमें रजक, महार, कुर्मी, मराठे,  मेघ (कोली),  भार व अनेक राजपूत जातियां प्रमुख हैं।"

                उनके शोध प्रबंध से यह स्पष्ट होता है कि मेघ जाति का संबंध तक्षक कही जाने वाली जनजाति से रहा है, जो कि प्राचीन भारत का एक शासक वर्ग था एवं जिसे एक नाग जनजाति माना जाता है। मेगस्थनीज व एरियन की इंडिका में मेघों का वर्णन 'मेगलाई' अथवा मेगला/मेग के नाम से हुआ है, जिसका उल्लेख सिकंदर के आक्रमण के प्रसंग में हुआ है और मेग/मेघ गणराज्य के राजा की सेना में 500 हाथियों की सेना का भी जिक्र उन्ही पुस्तकों में मिलता है। इस प्रकार से नवल वियोगी का मेघों के बारे में यह निष्कर्ष ऐतिहासिक रूप से पुष्ट होता है।

                प्रस्तुत पुस्तक के अध्याय 5 में 'संघ व्यवस्था की उत्पत्ति एवं गणसंघ' के प्रसंग में नाग जनजाति के शासकीय और प्रशासकीय ढांचे का जिक्र करते हुए गण पद्धति का उल्लेख किया है। सिंधु घाटी में बुनकर, तथा रंगरेज के उद्योग धंधों के प्रसंग में यह बताया गया है कि पंजाब में बुद्धकाल से पूर्व मेघ और टका जातियां कपड़े के व्यवसाय में संलग्न हो गयी थी। मेघ बुनकरी में व टका कपड़े रंगने व धोने यानी सजाने का काम करते थे। पुस्तक के पृष्ठ 132 पर लेखक ने यह गवेषित किया है कि 'ऐसा लगता उपर्युक्त विभाजन  पंजाब में उस काल में हुआ जिसका वर्णन हम ऊपर कर चुके है यानी बुद्ध पूर्व काल में। यही मुख्य कारण है टका तथा मेघ (बुनकर) दोनों जातियों का भारी जमाव जम्मू के दक्षिण की पहाड़ियों में आज भी है।"

                डॉ नवल वियोगी अपने इस शोध ग्रंथ टका और मेघों के विभाजन को बुद्ध के जीवनकाल अथवा उसके कुछ पहले का मानते है और उस समय मेघ मद्र के नाम से जाने जाते थे और टका लोग टका के नाम से, परंतु दोनों को ही डॉ वियोगी नाग जनजातीय तक्षक जनजाति के रूप में उल्लेखित करते है अर्थात इन्हें नाग वंशीय तक्षक मानते है। प्रस्तुत शोध प्रबंध के पृष्ठ 135 पा वे लिखते है:- "हम पिछले पृष्ठों पर बतला चुके हैं कि टका तथा मेघ अथवा मद्र रूप में विभाजन बुद्ध के जीवन काल अथवा उसके कुछ पहले हो चुका था।"  वे आगे पृष्ठ 141 पर लिखते है कि " इन नागवंशीयों ने बाद के काल मे अनेक जातियों को जन्म दिया जिन्हें आदिवासी होने के कारण चौथे वर्ण में धकेल दिया। ये जातियां थीं मेघ या कोली, रजक, लिलारी, दर्जी, छीपा, भार, राजभार, मराठा, कुर्मी तथा महार आदि।"

                स्पष्टतः मद्र और मेघ एक ही जातीय समूह है, ऐसी गवेषणा डॉ नवल वियोगी की इस शोध प्रबंध में की गई है। प्राचीन काल मे मेघों की शासन धुरी का उल्लेख करते हुए पुस्तक के पृष्ठ 149 पर वे लिखते है:- "मद्र अथवा मेघ- पंजाब के मध्य भाग को मद्र अथवा माझा कहा जाता है। कारण, इस क्षेत्र पर प्राचीन युगों में मद्रों का शासन था।" डॉ नवल वियोगी मद्र और मेघ को एक ही जनजाति उल्लेखित करते हुए यह स्पष्ट करते है कि प्राचीन काल की मद्र जनजाति ही आज की मेघ जाति है। पुस्तक के पृष्ठ 149-150 में 'मद्र अथवा मेघ' के उपशीर्षक के अंतर्गत इस जाति में व्याप्त रही कुछ परंपराओं का उल्लेख करते हुए उनका संबंध यादवों से भी जोड़ते है, जिनका शासन सूरसेन क्षेत्र में रहा था। अर्थात सुरसेनी और यादव भी प्राचीन मद्र जाति ही है। मद्र अथवा मेघ के प्रसंग में पुस्तक के पृष्ठ 149 में वे लिखते है:- "स्पष्ट है कि मद्र(मेघ) लोग मूलरूप में सूरसेन अथवा यादव उत्पत्ति के थे जो कि जानी पहचानी जाति थी। जिनका संबंध सिंधु घाटी सभ्यता के साथ था। कुनिन्दा भी मद्र(मेघ) जनजाति थी। पुनः पृष्ठ 150 पर स्पष्ट किया गया है कि "मद्र वैदिक काल के प्राचीन शासक दिखाई पड़ते है, जिनका नाम सामवेद की वंश ब्राह्मणों में है। वे 9वीं सदी तक सत्ता में रहे, जब हम बंगाल के राजा धर्मपाल के मित्र के रूप में मद्रों को पाते हैं,  जिसने मद्रों अथवा उत्तर की अन्य शक्तियों की सहमति से इंद्र राजा को गद्दी से उतार दिया, जो पंचाल का राजा था। जायसवाल के अनुसार मद्र कुनिंदा नाम से भी जाने जाते थे।"

                 पुस्तक में उत्तर और मध्य भारत के नाग राजाओं के प्रसंग में भी मद्र(मेघों) का जिक्र किया गया है। कश्मीर के राजा मेघवाहन का जिक्र करते हुए उसे मेघ अथवा मेघवाल जाति का मूलपुरुष बताया गया है। शालिवाहन सातवाहनों का मूल पुरुष था तो मेघवाहन मेघ या मेघवालों का मूल पुरूष था और ये दोनों ही एक ही वंश या परिवार से थे। शोध प्रबंध के पृष्ठ 294 पर यह गवेषणा की गई है कि "मेघ अथवा मेघवाल लोगों में आज भी यह युक्ति प्रसिद्ध है कि उनका मूल पुरुष मेघवाहन था।"  इस तथ्यान्वेषण से सातवाहनों और मेघों का अटूट संबंध स्थापित होता है अर्थात दक्षिण भारत के सातवाहनों का इतिहास आज के मेघों के पूर्वजों का ही इतिहास प्रमाणित होता है।

(इस संबंध में 'मेदे, मद्र और मेघ' पर मेघनेट पर प्रकाशित आलेख को देखा जा सकता है। उस आलेख की गवेषणा   की डॉ नवल वियोगी के शोधप्रबंध की गवेषणा से पुष्टि होती है) 

 संदर्भ: 

  प्राचीन भारत के शासक नाग: उनकी उत्पत्ति और इतिहास,

लेखक: डॉ नवल वियोगी,

प्रकाशक: सम्यक प्रकाशक, नई दिल्ली।

मेघ ओर नाग जनजाति-तारा राम। गौतम सोर्स

Daulat Ram Bhagat from Doda Interview

Yoginder Sikand interviews Daulat Ram Bhagat, a Megh Dalit from Doda, India.

 23 Oct 2006

Daulat Ram Bhagat is a retired school teacher from Doda. He belongs to
the Scheduled Caste Megh community. In this interview he talks with
Yoginder Sikand about the Dalits of Doda and inter-community relations
in the district.

Q: What impact did the Partition have on inter-community relations in Doda?

A: I was fourteen years old in 1947, when the Partition took place.
There was almost no violence in Doda tehsil, nothing compared to what
happened in some other parts of Jammu. When the massacres began in
Jammu and Punjab, Dalits and Hindus, who were a minority in Doda town,
were fearful. But the local Muslims told us that they would protect us
and they insisted hat we should not leave. The situation was very
tense, because many Muslims from Chamba, Udhampur, Chenaini and
Bhaderwah had fled to Doda to escape the violence there. Out of fear,
some Hindus from Doda town shifted to Hindu-majority villages on the
other side of the Chenab.

One night, some Muslims who had recently fled to Doda came to our
house. They came secretly. The local Muslims did not know about this.
Some members of their families had been killed by Sikhs. They accused
us of having hidden Sikhs in our house. My father denied this and told
them that they could check. Then, as soon as he got the opportunity my
father jumped out of the window and rushed to the house of his Muslim
neighbour, Muhammad Salim Kicchhoo, and told him what was happening.
Kicchhoo Sahib ran out of his house, shouting, `Oh Muslims, have you
died? These men are threatening to harm our Hindu and Dalit brethren.
Don`t let them do so`. Hearing this, a huge crowd of Muslims rushed to
our locality to save us and the men who had entered our house fled.

Th situation was very tense, so our neighbours advised us to shift
temporarily to Bhela, a Hindu-majority village across the river, till
things improved. Most of the people of our locality went across, but
my father continued to stay on for some days in the house of a Muslim
neighbour. A few days later the Home Guards of the National Conference
arrived and restored peace and we returned to our homes. When we came
back we found that almost everything had remained intact, including
our houses and animals, although some personal things like blankets
had been taken away.

Shortly after, the Indian Army came. I remember they killed eight or
ten innocent Muslim civilians in a Muslim-majority village close by,
including one man who was physically handicapped. He did not have any
feet. He used to play the tabla in the Ram Lila celebrations. I feel
very bad when I talk or think of this.

Q: How do you view inter-communal relations in Doda now?
A: Contrary to what newspapers might claim, inter-communal relations
in Doda are generally very harmonious. In Bhaderwah and Kishtwar,
which are also in Doda district, Hindu-Muslim relations are not so
good. One possible reason for this is that there both are roughly
equal in number. But in Doda tehsil, Hindus and Dalits are in a small
minority and our relations with our Muslim neighbours are good.

Unfortunately, this is not widely known and people outside think
differently. My daughter married a man from Kathua, which is an area
almost entirely populated by Hindus and Dalits. Her in-laws told me,
`How can we come with the marriage party to Doda?`. They thought Doda
was infested with militants and that the local Muslims were all
anti-Hindu and would not spare them. But, eventually, 70 of them came
and they were so impressed with the hospitality of the local Muslims
that they had to completely change their opinion. Many of them stayed
in the houses of our Muslim neighbours, who insisted that they should
do so. They treated them as honoured guests. Even the bridegroom
stayed in a Muslim neighbour`s home. This sort of love you will never
see anywhere else. I have taught in various schools for more than
forty years in different parts of Jammu and Kashmir, but I have never
seen such close relations between Hindus and Muslims elsewhere.

True, some terrible incidents have happened in recent years, but I
must say that these are largely instigated by outsiders, who are
bringing new and alien ways of thinking. We do not fear the local
Muslims at all. We trust them completely. But I cannot speak of
Muslims from outside. The BJP propaganda about Muslims wanting to
drive Hindus out of Doda is wrong. At least in Doda tehsil the local
Muslims would never want us to go away. As far as I know, most
militants generally do not touch people who have not informed on them
or opposed them. There have been some massacres of Hindus in Doda in
recent years, but local Muslims have condemned these and have said
that Islam does not allow for the killing of innocent civilians. No
true religion can.

Q: Which are the major Dalit groups in Doda? What forms of social
discrimination are they still subjected to?
A: Maybe a third of the Hindu population of Doda are Dalits, but they
are hardly talked about. In fact, few outsiders know that there are
Dalits living in Doda. Most Dalits here are poor. Many of them are
small peasants and manual workers. A small number of Dalits are
government employees.

The Meghs are the largest Dalit community in Doda, followed by the
Mahashays or Doms and Jogis. Although they are all treated as `low` by
the so-called Savarna Hindus, there is no unity among these Dalit
castes, who practise forms of untouchability among themselves. So, for
example, many Meghs do not eat food cooked by Doms.

Traditionally, and till fairly recently, the dominant caste Hindus,
including Rajputs, Brahmins and Banias, used to practise strict
untouchability towards not just the Dalits, like us, but also with
Muslims. A few orthodox Hindus continue to do so. Before 1947, many
Muslims and most Dalits were poor agricultural labourers and tenants.
Dalits had to remove their shoes if they passed an `upper` caste
person. They were forced to render begar or unpaid labour. My father
was forced to carry pipes all the way from Batot to Kishtwar, which
took him many days. Dogra Raj was a period of great oppression for the
Dalits and also for many Muslims, most of whom were peasants. So, the
Dalits are really grateful to Shaikh Abdullah for saved us from the
Dogra oppression and `upper` caste domination. He instituted land
reforms, because of which we gained ownership over some of the lands
we tilled as tenants. That is why most Dalits have always voted for
the National Conference.

Q: But now, as you were saying, caste discrimination has declined.
A: After 1947 efforts were made by Hindu leaders to stop the practice
of untouchability. Perhaps there was a realisation that if Dalits
continued to be suppressed they might become Muslim, in which case the
Hindus would be reduced to an even smaller minority. Wherever the
Muslim population is more you will find that the degree of
untouchability and discrimination practised by the dominant caste
Hindus vis-à-vis the Dalits is less. So, in Doda Muslims are a
majority and untouchability is not that severe now. But I`ve had to
face caste discrimination myself, despite having been a government
school teacher. Once I was posted in a village which had only Hindus
living in it and no Dalits. Because I was a Dalit no Hindu would let
me stay in their home, so I had to live in the school building itself.
In many villages in Doda Dalits are still treated or thought of as
lesser beings. In towns things are changing now somewhat because our
people are going in for education.

But in the plains of Jammu, where there are very few Muslims left,
discrimination against Dalits by dominant caste Hindus is fairly
common. In Doda we have this massive Muslim population, so it is not
possible for dominant caste Hindus to treat us the way they might
want, because they know that if they do we might join hands with the
Muslims.

So, today, we can eat in Rajputs` homes and they come to our houses
too. But even now some `upper` caste people are opposed to our
progress, and though they may not say this openly they still regard us
as inferior. Some `upper` caste people would call me `Masterji`, but
behind my back would say, `Oh, that wretched Chinal [a term of abuse
for Meghs], he has the gumption to wear shirt-pant!`. Even now many
`upper` caste people cannot tolerate the thought of a Dalit in a
position of authority over them.

Today, there is much talk of Hindutva and Hindu unity. The RSS and BJP
are talking about this. They want Dalits to also join their camp. But
you know, in Hindu Raj we will be made to wash the feet of the
Brahmins and other so-called `upper` caste people again. We will be
forced into slavery again. That we cannot allow. Here in Doda the BJP
tried to woo some Dalits, but they were not very successful. They
managed to get only very few Dalit supporters. I tried to convince
some of these brainwashed Dalits to abandon the BJP. I told them, and
I keep telling my people, that the BJP has never raised the severe
economic, educational and social problems of the Dalits. If they do,
their `upper` caste base will be angered.

Q: Is there any sort of independent Dalit movement in Doda?

A: Not really, although the Bahujan Samaj Party has a slight presence
here. There is hardly any Ambedkarite movement among the Dalits of
Doda. A few educated Dalits have heard of Babasaheb Ambedkar. I came
to hear of him very late in my life. One problem is that there is
hardly any Dalit literature available in Doda. There are no Dalit
organisations here. It seems that some educated Dalits do not want our
own people to rise, fearing that they might compete with them.

I think, as Babasaheb Ambedkar insisted, conversion to an egalitarian
religion is essential for Dalit self-respect. Can Dalits gain
self-respect while still being treated as Hindus for political
purposes? Personally, I don`t consider myself a Hindu. How can I be a
Hindu if the Hindu scriptures tell me that I am `low` and `inferior`
to a Brahmin just because of my birth? The Hindu books say that
because I am a Dalit I don`t have the right to read the Vedas. So, how
can I call myself a Hindu?

But our people still cling to Hinduism because they have been
conditioned like this for centuries. They have been made to believe
that by holding on to the tail of the cow they can attain heaven! Our
people have been made to believe that they are inferior and so they
want to hide their identity. Several educated Dalits try to pass off
as `upper` caste Hindus. If they do that, of course they cannot work
for their own people, because when `upper` caste people see them doing
that they will know that they are actually Dalits trying to pass off
as something else. That is the bane of many of our educated people,
who received education and other facilities precisely because of their
caste. My own daughter was studying in a college in Jammu and staying
in a hostel there. She clearly told me not to mention our caste name,
Bhagat, on my letters to her, fearing that her colleagues would come
to know that she is a Dalit. Such is the fear and the urge to deny
one`s identity. In this situation, mobilising as Dalits for our rights
and identities is, as you can imagine, an uphill struggle.

http://www.pakistanchristianpost.com/opinion-details/382

Daulat Ram Bhagat from Doda Interview

Govt.of India Census Report 1911 and Meghs

https://ruralindiaonline.org/media/documents/Census_of_India_1911_Volume_I_Part_I__Report.pdf

Govt.of India Census Report 1911 and Meghs

Meghs of syalkot source Imperial Gazetteer of India

330 VAIKOT D.L4TRZCT (washermen, 17,000), Maclihis (fishermen and water-carriers, 15,000), Meghs (weavers, 34,000), Barwalas and Batwals (village watchmen, 34,ooo), Mirasis (village minstrels, 12,ooo), and Changars (labourers, 6,ooo). There are 22,ooo Fakirs. About 46 per cent. of the popula- tion are supported by agriculture. The American United Presbyterian Mission, which was established at Sialkot in 1855, supports a theological seminary, a Christian training institute, a female hospital, and an Anglo-vernacular high school. The Established Church of Scotland maintains two European missionaries at Sialkot (branch established in 1857) and one in Daska, and also has a separate female mission, mainly occupied with work in zandnas. The Church of England Mission at Narowal was founded in 1859, - and the Zanana Mission at that place in 1884. The Roman Catholics, who entered the field in 1889, have now three stations. Sialkot has the largest number of native Christians in the Punjab, amounting to ro,662, or r per cent. of the population, in igoi. The soil consists chiefly of loam, but clay is found in depressions, and the waste lands mostly consist of sandy or salt-impregnated soil. Owing to the abundant rainfall, and the very large Agriculture. proportion of the cultivated area which is served by wells, the District is secure against any serious failure of crops. The District is held almost entirely on the bhaiydchdrd and pattiddri tenures, zaminddri lands covering only about 30,ooo acres. The area for which details are available from the revenue record of 1903-4 is 1,984 square miles, as shown below:- Tahsil. Total Cultivated. Irrigated. Cultivable area. waste. Sialkot 436 333 16o 41 ZafarwRl 310 e50 98 21 Pasrur . 394 303 170 29 Raya 485 305 165 131 Daska . 359 294 265 38 Total 1,984 1,485-.. ...._858 - 260 Wheat is the chief crop of the spring harvest, covering 6or square miles in 1903-4; barley and gram occupied i 2 o and 64 square miles respectively. Sugar is the most valuable crop of the autumn harvest, and the area planted (5o square miles) is surpassed only in Gurdaspur. Rice, maize, and great millet (jowdr) are the chief autumn food-grains. The cultivated area has increased by 28 per cent. since 1854 and by 1 per cent. in the ten years ending igoi-2, the increase being due to the steady extension of well-cultivation and the great pressure of population on the soil. Nothing has been done in the way of im- proving the quality of the crops grown. Loans for the construction

POPULATION 329 during the last decade, the decrease being greatest in the Raya tahsil and least in Daska. The Chenab Colony is responsible for this fall in population, no less than 103,000 persons having left to take land in the newly irrigated tracts. The Population. District is divided into five tahsils-SIALKOT, PASRUR, ZAFARWAL, RAYA, and DASKA-the head-quarters of each being at the place from which it is named. The chief towns are the municipalities Of SInLKOT, the administrative head-quarters of the District, DASKA, JAMKI, PASRUR, KILA SOBHA SINGH, ZAFARWAL, and NAROWAL. The following table shows the chief statistics of population in 1901 :- I ro Number of o o.~ Lao o'~2 o. 0,41 '. I'I Tahsil, C yA a am 8 F'~ 5 ~ o az za o~ H m 0.LCd C ho ~,ara Sialkot ___ _ _ 312,688 730.5 + 3.2 12,101 428 G3 Zafarwal . 310 1 480 178,887 5771 - 6-3 31950 Pasrur 394 2 443 193,746 491-7 ! - 5,601 5.0 Raya. 485 1 456 192,440 396-8 ' 5,586 -10-4 Daska 360 2 332 206,148 572.6', - o-6 4,103 District total 1,91 7 2,348 1,083,909 544'4 - 31341 3�2 NOTE.-The figures for the areas of tahsils are taken from revenue returns. The total area of the District is that given in the Census Report. Muhammadans number 716,953, or over 66 per cent. of the total; Hindus, 302,012, or 28 per cent. ; and Sikhs, 50,982, or less than 5 per cent. Sialkot town contains the famous shrine of Baba Nanak, the first Sikh Guru. The density of the population is high. The language of the people is Punjabi, but the dialect known as Dogri is largely spoken by Hindus on the Jammu border. The Jats are in greater numerical strength in Sialkot than in any other District in the Province, numbering 258,ooo, or 24 per cent. of the total. Other agricultural tribes include the Arains (67,000), Rajputs (6o,ooo), Awans (24,ooo), and Gujars (io,ooo). The com- mercial; classes are Khattris (i9,ooo), Aroras (19,ooo), and Pahari Mahaja s (r i,ooo). The Bhatias (6,ooo) are stronger in Sialkot than anywhere else. Brahmans number 35,ooo and Saiyids 15,000. Of the artisan classes, the most important are the Tarkhans (carpenters, 44,ooo), Kumhars (potters, 32,000), Julahas (weavers, 28,000), Lohars (blacksmiths, 2 1,000), Mochis (shoemakers and leather-workers, 1 7,000), Telis (oil-pressers, 14,ooo), and Sonars (goldsmiths, ro,ooo). Kash- miris number 32,000. Of the menial classes, the Chuhras (sweepers, 64,000) are the most numerous ; other large menial castes are Jhinwars (water-carriers, 23,ooo), Nais (barbers, 22,000), Chhimbas and Dhobis

328 YIJLffOT DISTRICT The legendary history of the District is connected with Raja Sali- vahan, the reputed founder of the town of Sialkot, and his famous son Rasalu, and is described under SIXLKOT TOWN. History. PASRUR is also an ancient place. At an early date the District fell to the Rajas of Jammu, and under the Mughals formed the Rechna Doab sarkdr of the Subah of Lahore. Under Shah Jahan the sarkdr was entrusted to Ali Mardan Khan, the famous engi- neer, who dug a canal through it to bring water from the Chenab to the imperial gardens at Lahore. On the decline of the Mughal empire Ranjit Singh Deo, Rajput, a hill chief, extended his sway over the low- lands, owning a nominal allegiance to Delhi. In 1748 he transferred his allegiance to Ahmad Shah Durrani, who added Zafarwal and two other parganas to his fief. Before his death in 1773 Ranjit Deo had secured possession of the whole District, except Sialkot town and its dependencies, which were held by a Pathan family. After his death the Bhangi confederacy of the Sikhs took Sialkot from the Pathans, and eventually overran the whole country up to the foot of the Jammu hills, dividing it among a score of leaders. These petty States were, however, attached by Ranjit Singh in 1791 ; and his annexation of Pasrflr in 1807 gave him control of the tract, after his general, Diwan Mohkam Chand, had defeated the Sardars of Sialkot at Atari. In the Mutiny of 1857 the station was denuded of British troops ; and the Native regiments which were left behind rose, and, after sacking the jail, treasury, and courthouse, and massacring several of the Euro- pean inhabitants, marched off towards Delhi, only to be destroyed by Nicholson at Trimmu Ghat. The rest of the Europeans took refuge in the fort, and on the morning after the departure of the mutineers order was restored. The only events of interest in the subsequent history of the District are.the plague riots which occurred at the villages of Shahzada and Sankhatra in 1901. Numerous mounds are scattered about the District, which mark the sites of ancient villages and towns. None of them, except that on which the Sialkot fort stood, has been excavated, but silver and copper utensils and coins have been dug up from time to time by villagers. Most of the coins are those of Indo-Bactrian kings. The excavations in Sialkot revealed the existence of some old baths, with hot-water pipes of solid masonry. The fort itself, of which very little now remains, is not more than 1,ooo years old, and is said to have been rebuilt by Shahab-ud-din Ghori at the end of the twelfth century. For further information, reference should be made to the articles on SIALKOT TOWN and PASRUR TOWN. The District contains 7 towns and 2,348 villages. The population at the last four enumerations was: (1868) 1,004,695, (1881) 1,012,148, (1891) 1,119,847, and (1901) 1,083,909. It decreased by 3-2 per cent.

SIALKOT DL~.TRICT 327 which rises in the Jammu hills, traverses the centre of the District. A torrent in the rains, at other times the Degh dwindles to the merest trickle ; like the greater rivers it is fringed on either side by a strip of alluvial soil, but in the upper part of its course through the 7afarwal lahsil the shifting of its bed has covered a large area with barren sand. Several other minor streams, of which the Aik is the most important, traverse the District. Midway between the' Ravi and the Chenab is a raised dorsal tract, which forms a slightly elevated plateau stretching from beyond the Jammu border far into the heart of the doib. The upper portion of the District near the hills wears an aspect of remark- able greenness and fertility. The dorsal ridge, however, is dry and sandy; and between the Degh and the Ravi the wild and unproductive upland grows more and more impregnated with saltpetre as it recedes from the hills, till near the Lahore border it merges into a tangled jungle of brushwood and reeds. The District also comprises a small tract of low hills, called the Bajwat, on the north of the Chenab, a country of green grass and flowing streams, which presents an agreeable change from the arid plains of the Punjab. There is nothing of geological inttrest in Sialkot, which is situated entirely on the alluvium. Cultivation is close, leaving little room for an indigenous flora of perennial plants. Towards the Jammu border, especially in the north-west of the District, plants of the Outer Himalayan fringe appear. Trees are rare, except where planted about wells, by roadsides, and in gardens. A few wolves are the only representatives of the carnivora, while even hares and deer find little cover in so highly cultivated a tract. A few wild hog and iailgai are found, but no antelope have been shot in recent years. In the cold season wild geese, ducks, and other water-fowl abound in the marshes and on the river banks and islands; quail are plentiful in spring, but partridges are scarce. The climate in summer is, for the plains, good; and, though there are generally a few days of most intense heat, the neighbourhood of the hills prevents any long-continued spell. The 'cold season resem- bles that in the Punjab generally, but begins early and ends late. The low hills are cool but very malarious, as is also the waterlogged valley of the Degh, while other parts are decidedly healthy. Pneumonia is common in the winter and fever in the autumn. Owing to its submontane position the District has an abundant rain- fall, but this diminishes rapidly in amount as the distance from the hills increases. The average rainfall varies from 22 inches at Raya to 35 at Sialkot; at the latter place 28 inches fall in the summer months, and 7 in the winter. The heaviest rainfall recorded during the twenty years ending igo1 was 64 inches at Sialkot in 1881-2, and the lowest ro inches at Daska in 1891-2.

Meghs of syalkot source Imperial Gazetteer of India